Free Speech and the Middle East

Tuesday, September 25, 2012



The United States Ambassador to Libya, J. Christopher Stevens, was killed by an armed Islamist mob attack on September 11, 2012. Originally, the Obama administration stated that the attacks were a “spontaneous reaction” to “a hateful and offensive video…” (Susan Rice, U.S. Ambassador to the UN). The video she was referring to was an amateur film, made in the U.S., which mocked Islam and was called “Innocence of Muslims.” This initial reaction was probably false as the timing (11 years to the day after September 11, 2001 attacks) and subsequent investigations appear to show the attack was coordinated and planned. Whatever the case may be, there have been many violent anti-American and anti-West demonstrations and actions throughout the Muslim world ostensibly as a reaction to the wildly unprofessional “Innocence of Muslims” movie trailer or the French publication, Charlie Hebdo, who published cartoons mocking the prophet Mohamed.

These events highlight a major difference in the way some Muslims (enough to fill big town squares during the workweek) and the West view free speech and tolerance of religion. In this post, I attempt to color that difference, to comment on American free speech, and to talk about my own view of free speech.

AMERICAN FREE EXPRESSION

The First Amendment states, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.” This view of free expression and religion is inherited, in large part, from John Lock and John Stuart Mills. Locke believed that keeping established religion within the heart and home and out of political policymaking would lead to tolerance and end wars of religion. John Stuart Mills advocated the value of a marketplace of ideas. In essence, he thought that, although imperfect, the free trade in ideas was the best way to find truth as a society. Other philosophical justifications undergird American freedom of expression too. Self-governance requires freedom of opinion, religion, and expression. Suffrage requires it. If people are to be sovereign, they must have their own free opinions and be able to express them. There is also a deontological argument that it is an essential right for autonomous and self-determining human beings to express themselves. Otherwise, life would be meager. Free speech serves as a check to the abuse of power.  Free expression serves as a release or safety valve giving a recourse to dissidents other than draconian violence.

MUSLIM FREE EXPRESSION

Many Muslims do believe in free expression. Modernity, it appears, demands it, and it really seems easily reconcilable with the teachings of the Koran as I understand. Yet, too many Muslims refuse to embrace tolerance and free expression. Too few are willing to be offended in order to have peace and free conversation. For them, there is no difference between public and private. The reputation and integrity of their religion outweighs free speech and tolerance. If America disagreed with the distasteful speech, they believe, the government would prohibit it. Since America doesn't censor the speech, they must condone it. For such extremists, an offense to the religion is a personal assault not to be met with more words only, but also violence. If the Americans wont stop the speech that attacks them, they feel entitled to do it themselves.

Some of the Muslim world is easily offended. The reason for this is deep and tender. The beginning of Muslim history is one of spectacular success. The religion started in the 7th Century in the desolate and poor Arabian Peninsula and within a few hundred years spread from Spain to Indonesia. Muslim science and trade surpassed that of the entire world. The thinking of their philosophers was cutting-edge for the day. They had amazing architecture, art, and literature. Islam was great and was supposed to spread throughout all the world.

But, it didn’t. The fall of the Muslim, and particularly Arab Muslims, was swift and brutal. Mongols, Europeans, and Turks beat them militarily and surpassed their knowledge in humanities and sciences, and prospered above them. Even the most proud of Arab Muslims, when you talk to them, seem to be tenderly aware of their culture’s weaknesses and failures. The poverty, disparate treatment between men and women, rich and poor, and from faction to faction are all too easily observable to ignore. When outsiders poke at those tender weaknesses, some Arab Muslims explode into anger and violence.

In a way, their feelings are understandable; yet, violence is only hurting their culture more and incurring more disrespect and ridicule from outsiders. Taking responsibility as a society and channeling that frustration into improving life in the Arab world is the proper direction; not violence against annoying speech. Turkey, currently ruled by an Islamist party, has embraced pluralism and is one of the most respected and prosperous Muslim countries in the world. In some ways, Turkey is an example of a better direction. I am optimistic that change will come, perhaps slowly, but it will.

RECONCILING RIGHTS OF SPEECH WITH OTHER RIGHTS AND THE INTERESTS OF THE STATE

The right to free expression is not without bounds. It is necessarily delimited by other individual rights held by American citizens. In my view, the primary interests of the State are protecting its citizen’s individual rights and promoting a virtuous society. Freedom of speech and the right to receive information freely should be unfettered to the extent that it does not impinge on the rights of others. However, when the rights of others are affected (e.g. perhaps yelling fire in a crowded theatre or verbally abusing someone day in and day out week after week) then the state has the legitimate right to restrict the expression and receiving of information.

When a question arises as to where to draw the line between the right to free speech and some corresponding and mutually exclusive right, courts and legislatures should engage in an analysis similar to equal protection under the 14th Amendment. Laws restrictive of speech based on viewpoint are particularly suspect, content-based restrictions are suspect on an intermediate level, and content-neutral restrictions are presumed to be a legitimate use of State power unless proven otherwise. I assert that citizens should be afforded the RIGHT to pursue moral living without burdens that a reasonable or average American could not withstand. In other words, if they are accosted by pornography or abusive language or intellectual dishonesty that would overcome an average person’s ability to reason or live honorably within broad strokes of morality, than the law should be quick to limit speech at that point. Insults, blather, pornography, obscenity, threats, objective falsehoods, and the like are of such slight value as a step to truth, that the benefits of free speech are plainly outweighed by the broad morality, safety, and order such speech threaten. As we become a more virtuous society, the abilities of a reasonable person might improve. However, I believe that moderating free expression, not to promote morality, but to enable morality, is within the providence of government. Freedom is necessary for a virtuous society.